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Gun Control in Canada: A Policy Built on Optics, Not Facts

For years, Canadian gun control has been touted as a cornerstone of public safety. Politicians claim that banning certain firearms and implementing buyback programs will make our streets safer. But when you dig into the data, the reality is stark: these measures are not based on statistics, logic, or fact. Instead, they target law-abiding citizens while doing little to address the real sources of gun crime.

The Numbers Tell the Story

According to Statistics Canada, firearm‑related violent crime accounted for just 2.6% of all violent crime in 202314,416 incidents—and actually declined 1.7% year‑over‑year, even as overall violent crime rose by 4%. That rate is 55% higher than in 2013, but the long‑term increase is driven largely by gang activity and the presence of illegal firearms, not licensed owners. [cfr.org], [guncontrol.ca]

When you look at homicides, the distinction between legal and illegal gun ownership matters:

  • In 2022, out of 113 firearm-related homicides, only 24 involved legal gun owners in good standing.
  • Most cases involved illegal firearms—including guns that had never been legally owned in Canada or were smuggled from the U.S.; licensing was present in just 13% of handgun homicides and 12% of rifle/shotgun homicides where data was available. [publicsafety.gc.ca], [globalnews.ca], [globalnews.ca]

These numbers dismantle the narrative that cracking down on licensed owners will curb gun violence. Legal owners are among the most vetted and law‑abiding citizens in the country.

The Real Problem: Illegal Guns

Police and public‑safety sources consistently point to illicit firearms as the driver of gun crime. National tracing data and police briefings show that a majority of crime handguns are smuggled, while many long guns used by criminals are stolen domestically. Public Safety Canada’s own updates emphasize border interdiction and gang enforcement as the necessary levers—reflecting the reality that the problem is trafficking, not compliant sport shooters or hunters. [repository…arvard.edu], [thegunzone.com] [thegunzone.com], [canada.ca]

The Cost of Political Optics

The federal buyback program is a fiscal black hole:

  • Originally pitched at $200 million, current budgeting and published estimates now put total costs north of $800 million, with projections approaching $1 billion when operating expenses and grants are included. The cost per firearm collected has been estimated at about $24,000 given low collection numbers to date. [www150.statcan.gc.ca], [en.wikipedia.org]
  • Rollout struggles—like the Cape Breton pilot—underscore compliance and trust issues; early reports show minimal uptake despite significant administrative cost and complexity. [unodc.org], [legalmatte…scanada.ca]

Imagine what $800 million could do if invested in:

  • Advanced forensic/ballistics networks and analytical capacity for gangs and organized crime.
  • Border security technology and intelligence to interdict smuggled firearms.
  • Community programs that prevent gang recruitment and reduce violence upstream.
  • Modern equipment and staffing for police services.

What Works vs. What Doesn’t

A 2022 systematic review found inconclusive evidence that past Canadian gun laws reduced homicides or accidental deaths, while showing decreases in suicides by firearm—often with method substitution to non‑firearm means. That’s hardly a compelling case for sweeping bans and billion‑dollar buybacks aimed at the compliant public. Meanwhile, targeted investments in enforcement, intelligence, and prevention align with the sources of crime and deliver measurable impact. [australiaf…sguide.com] [canada.ca], [guncontrol.ca]


How Canada Compares Internationally

Canada’s regulations place it between the United States and countries like Australia or the United Kingdom. But context matters—especially constitutional realities, enforcement, and the speed and quality of implementation.

United States

  • Ownership: Highest civilian ownership globally, about 121 firearms per 100 residents. [cbc.ca]
  • Gun homicide: About 4.5 per 100,000, the highest among high‑income nations. [cbc.ca]
  • The U.S. landscape is shaped by the Second Amendment; national reforms are complex and uneven across states.

Canada

  • Ownership: About 15.5% of households own firearms; 2.9% own handguns. [publicsafety.gc.ca]
  • Gun death rate: Roughly 2.4 per 100,000—much lower than the U.S., higher than nations with strict bans and rapid implementation. [calibremag.ca]
  • Canada emphasizes licensing, safe storage, and classification bans—but the recent approach targets licensed owners while leaving smuggling and gangs as persistent drivers.

Australia

  • Post‑Port Arthur (1996), Australia enacted the National Firearms Agreement, banning specified semi‑automatics and running a nationwide buyback that removed ~700,000 firearms. Firearm deaths more than halved, and Australia has had no mass shootings since 1996—a combination of comprehensive policy, rapid rollout, and community engagement that Canada has not replicated. [rightforcanada.ca]

United Kingdom

  • After Dunblane (1996), the UK enacted a near‑total handgun ban with strict licensing.
  • Gun homicide rate: Around 0.25 per 100,000, among the lowest globally—reflecting tight controls and relatively limited criminal access to guns. [publicsafety.gc.ca]

Bottom line: Australia and the UK paired clear, comprehensive rules with fast, trusted implementation and focused enforcement. Canada’s recent bans and buybacks are slow, controversial, and misaligned with where crime guns originate—illegal trafficking and theft.


Conclusion: Shift from Security Theatre to Results

If Ottawa is serious about reducing gun violence, it must abandon politically convenient optics and invest where the data points:

  1. Target illegal firearms: Scale up border technology, interdiction teams, and intelligence sharing to disrupt U.S.–Canada trafficking pipelines and domestic theft markets. [canada.ca], [thegunzone.com]
  2. Fund police capacity and analytics: Expand CIBIN, tracing, and specialized enforcement (NWEST/SFSS) to close cases faster and dismantle gang networks. [canada.ca]
  3. Invest in prevention: Back evidence‑based programs that reduce gang recruitment and violence in high‑risk communities, complementing enforcement with upstream impact. [guncontrol.ca]
  4. Stop punishing the compliant: Redirect resources away from billion‑dollar buybacks that confiscate low‑risk, registered firearms while leaving crime guns untouched. [www150.statcan.gc.ca], [en.wikipedia.org]
  5. Measure what matters: Publicly track outcomes—illegal gun interdictions, gang arrests, homicide clearance rates, community‑level violence reduction—instead of counting compensated firearms from sport shooters.

Canada can choose optics or outcomes. The facts say: fund law enforcement, border interdiction, and community prevention—not programs that mainly burden those already playing by the rules.


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